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Representation of the verb's argument-structure in the human brain

BACKGROUND: A verb's argument structure defines the number and relationships of participants needed for a complete event. One-argument (intransitive) verbs require only a subject to make a complete sentence, while two- and three-argument verbs (transitives and ditransitives) normally take direc...

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Detalles Bibliográficos
Autores principales: Assadollahi, Ramin, Rockstroh, Brigitte S
Formato: Texto
Lenguaje:English
Publicado: BioMed Central 2008
Materias:
Acceso en línea:https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2490697/
https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/18644141
http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/1471-2202-9-69
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author Assadollahi, Ramin
Rockstroh, Brigitte S
author_facet Assadollahi, Ramin
Rockstroh, Brigitte S
author_sort Assadollahi, Ramin
collection PubMed
description BACKGROUND: A verb's argument structure defines the number and relationships of participants needed for a complete event. One-argument (intransitive) verbs require only a subject to make a complete sentence, while two- and three-argument verbs (transitives and ditransitives) normally take direct and indirect objects. Cortical responses to verbs embedded into sentences (correct or with syntactic violations) indicate the processing of the verb's argument structure in the human brain. The two experiments of the present study examined whether and how this processing is reflected in distinct spatio-temporal cortical response patterns to isolated verbs and/or verbs presented in minimal context. RESULTS: The magnetoencephalogram was recorded while 22 native German-speaking adults saw 130 German verbs, presented one at a time for 150 ms each in experiment 1. Verb-evoked electromagnetic responses at 250 – 300 ms after stimulus onset, analyzed in source space, were higher in the left middle temporal gyrus for verbs that take only one argument, relative to two- and three-argument verbs. In experiment 2, the same verbs (presented in different order) were preceded by a proper name specifying the subject of the verb. This produced additional activation between 350 and 450 ms in or near the left inferior frontal gyrus, activity being larger and peaking earlier for one-argument verbs that required no further arguments to form a complete sentence. CONCLUSION: Localization of sources of activity suggests that the activation in temporal and frontal regions varies with the degree by which representations of an event as a part of the verbs' semantics are completed during parsing.
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spelling pubmed-24906972008-07-30 Representation of the verb's argument-structure in the human brain Assadollahi, Ramin Rockstroh, Brigitte S BMC Neurosci Research Article BACKGROUND: A verb's argument structure defines the number and relationships of participants needed for a complete event. One-argument (intransitive) verbs require only a subject to make a complete sentence, while two- and three-argument verbs (transitives and ditransitives) normally take direct and indirect objects. Cortical responses to verbs embedded into sentences (correct or with syntactic violations) indicate the processing of the verb's argument structure in the human brain. The two experiments of the present study examined whether and how this processing is reflected in distinct spatio-temporal cortical response patterns to isolated verbs and/or verbs presented in minimal context. RESULTS: The magnetoencephalogram was recorded while 22 native German-speaking adults saw 130 German verbs, presented one at a time for 150 ms each in experiment 1. Verb-evoked electromagnetic responses at 250 – 300 ms after stimulus onset, analyzed in source space, were higher in the left middle temporal gyrus for verbs that take only one argument, relative to two- and three-argument verbs. In experiment 2, the same verbs (presented in different order) were preceded by a proper name specifying the subject of the verb. This produced additional activation between 350 and 450 ms in or near the left inferior frontal gyrus, activity being larger and peaking earlier for one-argument verbs that required no further arguments to form a complete sentence. CONCLUSION: Localization of sources of activity suggests that the activation in temporal and frontal regions varies with the degree by which representations of an event as a part of the verbs' semantics are completed during parsing. BioMed Central 2008-07-21 /pmc/articles/PMC2490697/ /pubmed/18644141 http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/1471-2202-9-69 Text en Copyright © 2008 Assadollahi and Rockstroh; licensee BioMed Central Ltd. http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0 This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License ( (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0) ), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
spellingShingle Research Article
Assadollahi, Ramin
Rockstroh, Brigitte S
Representation of the verb's argument-structure in the human brain
title Representation of the verb's argument-structure in the human brain
title_full Representation of the verb's argument-structure in the human brain
title_fullStr Representation of the verb's argument-structure in the human brain
title_full_unstemmed Representation of the verb's argument-structure in the human brain
title_short Representation of the verb's argument-structure in the human brain
title_sort representation of the verb's argument-structure in the human brain
topic Research Article
url https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2490697/
https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/18644141
http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/1471-2202-9-69
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