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The processing of English regular inflections: Phonological cues to morphological structure

Previous studies suggest that different neural and functional mechanisms are involved in the analysis of irregular (caught) and regular (filled) past tense forms in English. In particular, the comprehension and production of regular forms is argued to require processes of morpho-phonological assembl...

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Autores principales: Post, Brechtje, Marslen-Wilson, William D., Randall, Billi, Tyler, Lorraine K.
Formato: Texto
Lenguaje:English
Publicado: Elsevier 2008
Materias:
Acceso en línea:https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2596971/
https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/18834584
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.cognition.2008.06.011
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author Post, Brechtje
Marslen-Wilson, William D.
Randall, Billi
Tyler, Lorraine K.
author_facet Post, Brechtje
Marslen-Wilson, William D.
Randall, Billi
Tyler, Lorraine K.
author_sort Post, Brechtje
collection PubMed
description Previous studies suggest that different neural and functional mechanisms are involved in the analysis of irregular (caught) and regular (filled) past tense forms in English. In particular, the comprehension and production of regular forms is argued to require processes of morpho-phonological assembly and disassembly, analysing these forms into a stem plus an inflectional affix (e.g., {fill} + {-ed}), as opposed to irregular forms, which do not have an overt stem + affix structure and must be analysed as full forms [Marslen-Wilson, W. D., & Tyler, L. K. (1997). Dissociating types of mental computation. Nature, 387, 592–594; Marslen-Wilson, W. D., & Tyler, L. K. (1998). Rules, representations, and the English past tense. Trends in Cognitive Science, 2, 428–435]. On this account, any incoming string that shows the critical diagnostic properties of an inflected form – a final coronal consonant (/t/, /d/, /s/, /z/) that agrees in voicing with the preceding segment as in filled, mild, or nilled – will automatically trigger an attempt at segmentation. We report an auditory speeded judgment experiment which explored the contribution of these critical morpho-phonological properties (labelled as the English inflectional rhyme pattern) to the processing of English regular inflections. The results show that any stimulus that can be interpreted as ending in a regular inflection, whether it is a real inflection (filled–fill), a pseudo-inflection (mild–mile) or a phonologically matched nonword (nilled–nill), is responded to more slowly than an unambiguously monomorphemic stimulus pair (e.g., belt–bell). This morpho-phonological effect was independent of phonological effects of voicing and syllabicity. The findings are interpreted as evidence for a basic morpho-phonological parsing process that applies to all items with the criterial phonological properties.
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spelling pubmed-25969712008-12-16 The processing of English regular inflections: Phonological cues to morphological structure Post, Brechtje Marslen-Wilson, William D. Randall, Billi Tyler, Lorraine K. Cognition Article Previous studies suggest that different neural and functional mechanisms are involved in the analysis of irregular (caught) and regular (filled) past tense forms in English. In particular, the comprehension and production of regular forms is argued to require processes of morpho-phonological assembly and disassembly, analysing these forms into a stem plus an inflectional affix (e.g., {fill} + {-ed}), as opposed to irregular forms, which do not have an overt stem + affix structure and must be analysed as full forms [Marslen-Wilson, W. D., & Tyler, L. K. (1997). Dissociating types of mental computation. Nature, 387, 592–594; Marslen-Wilson, W. D., & Tyler, L. K. (1998). Rules, representations, and the English past tense. Trends in Cognitive Science, 2, 428–435]. On this account, any incoming string that shows the critical diagnostic properties of an inflected form – a final coronal consonant (/t/, /d/, /s/, /z/) that agrees in voicing with the preceding segment as in filled, mild, or nilled – will automatically trigger an attempt at segmentation. We report an auditory speeded judgment experiment which explored the contribution of these critical morpho-phonological properties (labelled as the English inflectional rhyme pattern) to the processing of English regular inflections. The results show that any stimulus that can be interpreted as ending in a regular inflection, whether it is a real inflection (filled–fill), a pseudo-inflection (mild–mile) or a phonologically matched nonword (nilled–nill), is responded to more slowly than an unambiguously monomorphemic stimulus pair (e.g., belt–bell). This morpho-phonological effect was independent of phonological effects of voicing and syllabicity. The findings are interpreted as evidence for a basic morpho-phonological parsing process that applies to all items with the criterial phonological properties. Elsevier 2008-10 /pmc/articles/PMC2596971/ /pubmed/18834584 http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.cognition.2008.06.011 Text en © 2008 Elsevier B.V. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/ Open Access under CC BY 3.0 (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/) license
spellingShingle Article
Post, Brechtje
Marslen-Wilson, William D.
Randall, Billi
Tyler, Lorraine K.
The processing of English regular inflections: Phonological cues to morphological structure
title The processing of English regular inflections: Phonological cues to morphological structure
title_full The processing of English regular inflections: Phonological cues to morphological structure
title_fullStr The processing of English regular inflections: Phonological cues to morphological structure
title_full_unstemmed The processing of English regular inflections: Phonological cues to morphological structure
title_short The processing of English regular inflections: Phonological cues to morphological structure
title_sort processing of english regular inflections: phonological cues to morphological structure
topic Article
url https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2596971/
https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/18834584
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.cognition.2008.06.011
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