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Prediction Signatures in the Brain: Semantic Pre-Activation during Language Comprehension

There is broad agreement that context-based predictions facilitate lexical-semantic processing. A robust index of semantic prediction during language comprehension is an evoked response, known as the N400, whose amplitude is modulated as a function of semantic context. However, the underlying neural...

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Autores principales: Maess, Burkhard, Mamashli, Fahimeh, Obleser, Jonas, Helle, Liisa, Friederici, Angela D.
Formato: Online Artículo Texto
Lenguaje:English
Publicado: Frontiers Media S.A. 2016
Materias:
Acceso en línea:https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC5108799/
https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/27895573
http://dx.doi.org/10.3389/fnhum.2016.00591
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author Maess, Burkhard
Mamashli, Fahimeh
Obleser, Jonas
Helle, Liisa
Friederici, Angela D.
author_facet Maess, Burkhard
Mamashli, Fahimeh
Obleser, Jonas
Helle, Liisa
Friederici, Angela D.
author_sort Maess, Burkhard
collection PubMed
description There is broad agreement that context-based predictions facilitate lexical-semantic processing. A robust index of semantic prediction during language comprehension is an evoked response, known as the N400, whose amplitude is modulated as a function of semantic context. However, the underlying neural mechanisms that utilize relations of the prior context and the embedded word within it are largely unknown. We measured magnetoencephalography (MEG) data while participants were listening to simple German sentences in which the verbs were either highly predictive for the occurrence of a particular noun (i.e., provided context) or not. The identical set of nouns was presented in both conditions. Hence, differences for the evoked responses of the nouns can only be due to differences in the earlier context. We observed a reduction of the N400 response for highly predicted nouns. Interestingly, the opposite pattern was observed for the preceding verbs: highly predictive (that is more informative) verbs yielded stronger neural magnitude compared to less predictive verbs. A negative correlation between the N400 effect of the verb and that of the noun was found in a distributed brain network, indicating an integral relation between the predictive power of the verb and the processing of the subsequent noun. This network consisted of left hemispheric superior and middle temporal areas and a subcortical area; the parahippocampus. Enhanced activity for highly predictive relative to less predictive verbs, likely reflects establishing semantic features associated with the expected nouns, that is a pre-activation of the expected nouns.
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spelling pubmed-51087992016-11-28 Prediction Signatures in the Brain: Semantic Pre-Activation during Language Comprehension Maess, Burkhard Mamashli, Fahimeh Obleser, Jonas Helle, Liisa Friederici, Angela D. Front Hum Neurosci Neuroscience There is broad agreement that context-based predictions facilitate lexical-semantic processing. A robust index of semantic prediction during language comprehension is an evoked response, known as the N400, whose amplitude is modulated as a function of semantic context. However, the underlying neural mechanisms that utilize relations of the prior context and the embedded word within it are largely unknown. We measured magnetoencephalography (MEG) data while participants were listening to simple German sentences in which the verbs were either highly predictive for the occurrence of a particular noun (i.e., provided context) or not. The identical set of nouns was presented in both conditions. Hence, differences for the evoked responses of the nouns can only be due to differences in the earlier context. We observed a reduction of the N400 response for highly predicted nouns. Interestingly, the opposite pattern was observed for the preceding verbs: highly predictive (that is more informative) verbs yielded stronger neural magnitude compared to less predictive verbs. A negative correlation between the N400 effect of the verb and that of the noun was found in a distributed brain network, indicating an integral relation between the predictive power of the verb and the processing of the subsequent noun. This network consisted of left hemispheric superior and middle temporal areas and a subcortical area; the parahippocampus. Enhanced activity for highly predictive relative to less predictive verbs, likely reflects establishing semantic features associated with the expected nouns, that is a pre-activation of the expected nouns. Frontiers Media S.A. 2016-11-15 /pmc/articles/PMC5108799/ /pubmed/27895573 http://dx.doi.org/10.3389/fnhum.2016.00591 Text en Copyright © 2016 Maess, Mamashli, Obleser, Helle and Friederici. http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY). The use, distribution and reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) or licensor are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.
spellingShingle Neuroscience
Maess, Burkhard
Mamashli, Fahimeh
Obleser, Jonas
Helle, Liisa
Friederici, Angela D.
Prediction Signatures in the Brain: Semantic Pre-Activation during Language Comprehension
title Prediction Signatures in the Brain: Semantic Pre-Activation during Language Comprehension
title_full Prediction Signatures in the Brain: Semantic Pre-Activation during Language Comprehension
title_fullStr Prediction Signatures in the Brain: Semantic Pre-Activation during Language Comprehension
title_full_unstemmed Prediction Signatures in the Brain: Semantic Pre-Activation during Language Comprehension
title_short Prediction Signatures in the Brain: Semantic Pre-Activation during Language Comprehension
title_sort prediction signatures in the brain: semantic pre-activation during language comprehension
topic Neuroscience
url https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC5108799/
https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/27895573
http://dx.doi.org/10.3389/fnhum.2016.00591
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