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Syllable retrieval precedes sub-syllabic encoding in Cantonese spoken word production

Two experiments were conducted to investigate the time course of syllabic and sub-syllabic processing in Cantonese spoken word production by using the picture-word interference task. Cantonese-speaking participants were asked to name individually presented pictures aloud and ignore an auditory word...

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Autores principales: Wong, Andus Wing-Kuen, Wang, Jie, Wong, Siu-San, Chen, Hsuan-Chih
Formato: Online Artículo Texto
Lenguaje:English
Publicado: Public Library of Science 2018
Materias:
Acceso en línea:https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC6245687/
https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/30458036
http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0207617
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author Wong, Andus Wing-Kuen
Wang, Jie
Wong, Siu-San
Chen, Hsuan-Chih
author_facet Wong, Andus Wing-Kuen
Wang, Jie
Wong, Siu-San
Chen, Hsuan-Chih
author_sort Wong, Andus Wing-Kuen
collection PubMed
description Two experiments were conducted to investigate the time course of syllabic and sub-syllabic processing in Cantonese spoken word production by using the picture-word interference task. Cantonese-speaking participants were asked to name individually presented pictures aloud and ignore an auditory word distractor. The targets and distractors were either phonologically related (i.e., sharing two identical word-initial phonemes) or unrelated. In Experiment 1, the target syllables were all consonant-vowel (CV)-structured. The phonological distractor was either a CV syllable (i.e., Full Syllable Overlap) or a CVC (consonant-vowel-consonant) syllable (i.e., Sub-syllable Overlap). Relative to the unrelated control, Full Syllable Overlap distractors facilitated naming in all stimuli onset asynchronies (SOAs) (-175, 0, or +175 ms) whereas Sub-syllable Overlap distractors exhibited facilitation only at 0-ms and +175-ms SOAs. Experiment 2 adopted a similar design to examine the possible influence of syllabic structure similarity on the results of Experiment 1. The target syllables were all CVC-structured. The phonological distractor was either a CVC (i.e., Syllable-structure Consistent) or CV (i.e., Syllable-structure Inconsistent) syllable. Comparable priming was observed between the two distractor conditions across the three SOAs. These results indicated that an earlier priming effect was observed with full syllable overlap than sub-syllabic overlap when the degree of segmental overlap was held constant (Experiment 1). The earlier syllable priming observed in Experiment 1 could not be attributed to the effect of syllabic-structure (Experiment 2), thereby suggesting that the syllable unit is important in Cantonese and is retrieved earlier than sub-syllabic components during phonological encoding.
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spelling pubmed-62456872018-12-01 Syllable retrieval precedes sub-syllabic encoding in Cantonese spoken word production Wong, Andus Wing-Kuen Wang, Jie Wong, Siu-San Chen, Hsuan-Chih PLoS One Research Article Two experiments were conducted to investigate the time course of syllabic and sub-syllabic processing in Cantonese spoken word production by using the picture-word interference task. Cantonese-speaking participants were asked to name individually presented pictures aloud and ignore an auditory word distractor. The targets and distractors were either phonologically related (i.e., sharing two identical word-initial phonemes) or unrelated. In Experiment 1, the target syllables were all consonant-vowel (CV)-structured. The phonological distractor was either a CV syllable (i.e., Full Syllable Overlap) or a CVC (consonant-vowel-consonant) syllable (i.e., Sub-syllable Overlap). Relative to the unrelated control, Full Syllable Overlap distractors facilitated naming in all stimuli onset asynchronies (SOAs) (-175, 0, or +175 ms) whereas Sub-syllable Overlap distractors exhibited facilitation only at 0-ms and +175-ms SOAs. Experiment 2 adopted a similar design to examine the possible influence of syllabic structure similarity on the results of Experiment 1. The target syllables were all CVC-structured. The phonological distractor was either a CVC (i.e., Syllable-structure Consistent) or CV (i.e., Syllable-structure Inconsistent) syllable. Comparable priming was observed between the two distractor conditions across the three SOAs. These results indicated that an earlier priming effect was observed with full syllable overlap than sub-syllabic overlap when the degree of segmental overlap was held constant (Experiment 1). The earlier syllable priming observed in Experiment 1 could not be attributed to the effect of syllabic-structure (Experiment 2), thereby suggesting that the syllable unit is important in Cantonese and is retrieved earlier than sub-syllabic components during phonological encoding. Public Library of Science 2018-11-20 /pmc/articles/PMC6245687/ /pubmed/30458036 http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0207617 Text en © 2018 Wong et al http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/) , which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited.
spellingShingle Research Article
Wong, Andus Wing-Kuen
Wang, Jie
Wong, Siu-San
Chen, Hsuan-Chih
Syllable retrieval precedes sub-syllabic encoding in Cantonese spoken word production
title Syllable retrieval precedes sub-syllabic encoding in Cantonese spoken word production
title_full Syllable retrieval precedes sub-syllabic encoding in Cantonese spoken word production
title_fullStr Syllable retrieval precedes sub-syllabic encoding in Cantonese spoken word production
title_full_unstemmed Syllable retrieval precedes sub-syllabic encoding in Cantonese spoken word production
title_short Syllable retrieval precedes sub-syllabic encoding in Cantonese spoken word production
title_sort syllable retrieval precedes sub-syllabic encoding in cantonese spoken word production
topic Research Article
url https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC6245687/
https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/30458036
http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0207617
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