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Evidence for [Coronal] Underspecification in Typical and Atypical Phonological Development

The Featurally Underspecified Lexicon (FUL) theory predicts that [coronal] is the language universal default place of articulation for phonemes. This assumption has been consistently supported with adult behavioral and event-related potential (ERP) data; however, this underspecification claim has no...

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Autores principales: Cummings, Alycia E., Ogiela, Diane A., Wu, Ying C.
Formato: Online Artículo Texto
Lenguaje:English
Publicado: Frontiers Media S.A. 2020
Materias:
Acceso en línea:https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC7782969/
https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/33414710
http://dx.doi.org/10.3389/fnhum.2020.580697
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author Cummings, Alycia E.
Ogiela, Diane A.
Wu, Ying C.
author_facet Cummings, Alycia E.
Ogiela, Diane A.
Wu, Ying C.
author_sort Cummings, Alycia E.
collection PubMed
description The Featurally Underspecified Lexicon (FUL) theory predicts that [coronal] is the language universal default place of articulation for phonemes. This assumption has been consistently supported with adult behavioral and event-related potential (ERP) data; however, this underspecification claim has not been tested in developmental populations. The purpose of this study was to determine whether children demonstrate [coronal] underspecification patterns similar to those of adults. Two English consonants differing in place of articulation, [labial] /b/ and [coronal] /d/, were presented to 24 children (ages 4–6 years) characterized by either a typically developing phonological system (TD) or a phonological disorder (PD). Two syllables, /bɑ/ and /dɑ/, were presented in an ERP oddball paradigm where both syllables served as the standard and deviant stimulus in opposite stimulus sets. Underspecification was examined with three analyses: traditional mean amplitude measurements, cluster-based permutation tests, and single-trial general linear model (GLM) analyses of single-subject data. Contrary to previous adult findings, children with PD demonstrated a large positive mismatch response (PMR) to /bɑ/ while the children with TD exhibited a negative mismatch response (MMN); significant group differences were not observed in the /dɑ/ responses. Moreover, the /bɑ/ deviant ERP response was significantly larger in the TD children than in the children with PD. At the single-subject level, more children demonstrated mismatch responses to /dɑ/ than to /bɑ/, though some children had a /bɑ/ mismatch response and no /dɑ/ mismatch response. While both groups of children demonstrated similar responses to the underspecified /dɑ/, their neural responses to the more specified /bɑ/ varied. These findings are interpreted within a proposed developmental model of phonological underspecification, wherein children with PD are functioning at a developmentally less mature stage of phonological acquisition than their same-aged TD peers. Thus, phonological underspecification is a phenomenon that likely develops over time with experience and exposure to language.
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spelling pubmed-77829692021-01-06 Evidence for [Coronal] Underspecification in Typical and Atypical Phonological Development Cummings, Alycia E. Ogiela, Diane A. Wu, Ying C. Front Hum Neurosci Human Neuroscience The Featurally Underspecified Lexicon (FUL) theory predicts that [coronal] is the language universal default place of articulation for phonemes. This assumption has been consistently supported with adult behavioral and event-related potential (ERP) data; however, this underspecification claim has not been tested in developmental populations. The purpose of this study was to determine whether children demonstrate [coronal] underspecification patterns similar to those of adults. Two English consonants differing in place of articulation, [labial] /b/ and [coronal] /d/, were presented to 24 children (ages 4–6 years) characterized by either a typically developing phonological system (TD) or a phonological disorder (PD). Two syllables, /bɑ/ and /dɑ/, were presented in an ERP oddball paradigm where both syllables served as the standard and deviant stimulus in opposite stimulus sets. Underspecification was examined with three analyses: traditional mean amplitude measurements, cluster-based permutation tests, and single-trial general linear model (GLM) analyses of single-subject data. Contrary to previous adult findings, children with PD demonstrated a large positive mismatch response (PMR) to /bɑ/ while the children with TD exhibited a negative mismatch response (MMN); significant group differences were not observed in the /dɑ/ responses. Moreover, the /bɑ/ deviant ERP response was significantly larger in the TD children than in the children with PD. At the single-subject level, more children demonstrated mismatch responses to /dɑ/ than to /bɑ/, though some children had a /bɑ/ mismatch response and no /dɑ/ mismatch response. While both groups of children demonstrated similar responses to the underspecified /dɑ/, their neural responses to the more specified /bɑ/ varied. These findings are interpreted within a proposed developmental model of phonological underspecification, wherein children with PD are functioning at a developmentally less mature stage of phonological acquisition than their same-aged TD peers. Thus, phonological underspecification is a phenomenon that likely develops over time with experience and exposure to language. Frontiers Media S.A. 2020-12-22 /pmc/articles/PMC7782969/ /pubmed/33414710 http://dx.doi.org/10.3389/fnhum.2020.580697 Text en Copyright © 2020 Cummings, Ogiela and Wu. http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY). The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) and the copyright owner(s) are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.
spellingShingle Human Neuroscience
Cummings, Alycia E.
Ogiela, Diane A.
Wu, Ying C.
Evidence for [Coronal] Underspecification in Typical and Atypical Phonological Development
title Evidence for [Coronal] Underspecification in Typical and Atypical Phonological Development
title_full Evidence for [Coronal] Underspecification in Typical and Atypical Phonological Development
title_fullStr Evidence for [Coronal] Underspecification in Typical and Atypical Phonological Development
title_full_unstemmed Evidence for [Coronal] Underspecification in Typical and Atypical Phonological Development
title_short Evidence for [Coronal] Underspecification in Typical and Atypical Phonological Development
title_sort evidence for [coronal] underspecification in typical and atypical phonological development
topic Human Neuroscience
url https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC7782969/
https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/33414710
http://dx.doi.org/10.3389/fnhum.2020.580697
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