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Pronominal anaphora resolution in Polish: Investigating online sentence interpretation using eye-tracking

The mechanism of anaphora resolution is subject to large cross-linguistic differences. The most likely reason for this is the different sensitivity of pronouns to the range of factors that determine their reference. In the current study, we explored the mechanism of anaphora resolution in Polish. Fi...

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Autores principales: Wolna, Agata, Durlik, Joanna, Wodniecka, Zofia
Formato: Online Artículo Texto
Lenguaje:English
Publicado: Public Library of Science 2022
Materias:
Acceso en línea:https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC8752000/
https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/35015772
http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0262459
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author Wolna, Agata
Durlik, Joanna
Wodniecka, Zofia
author_facet Wolna, Agata
Durlik, Joanna
Wodniecka, Zofia
author_sort Wolna, Agata
collection PubMed
description The mechanism of anaphora resolution is subject to large cross-linguistic differences. The most likely reason for this is the different sensitivity of pronouns to the range of factors that determine their reference. In the current study, we explored the mechanism of anaphora resolution in Polish. First, we explored preferences in the interpretation of null and overt pronouns in ambiguous sentences. More specifically, we investigated whether Polish speakers prefer to relate overt pronouns to subject or object antecedents. Subsequently, we tested the consequences of violating this bias when tracing the online sentence-interpretation process using eye-tracking. Our results show that Polish speakers have a strong preference for interpreting null pronouns as referring to subject antecedents and interpreting overt pronouns as referring to object antecedents. However, in online sentence interpretation, only overt pronouns showed sensitivity to a violation of the speaker’s preference for a pronoun-antecedent match. This suggests that null pronoun resolution is more flexible than overt pronoun resolution. Our results indicate that it is much easier for Polish speakers to shift the reference of a null pronoun than an overt one whenever a pronoun is forced to refer to a less-preferred antecedent. These results are supported by naturalness ratings, which showed that null pronouns are considered equally natural regardless of their reference, while overt pronouns referring to subject antecedents are rated as considerably less natural than those referring to object antecedents. To explain this effect, we propose that the interpretation of null and overt pronouns is sensitive to different factors which determine their reference.
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spelling pubmed-87520002022-01-12 Pronominal anaphora resolution in Polish: Investigating online sentence interpretation using eye-tracking Wolna, Agata Durlik, Joanna Wodniecka, Zofia PLoS One Research Article The mechanism of anaphora resolution is subject to large cross-linguistic differences. The most likely reason for this is the different sensitivity of pronouns to the range of factors that determine their reference. In the current study, we explored the mechanism of anaphora resolution in Polish. First, we explored preferences in the interpretation of null and overt pronouns in ambiguous sentences. More specifically, we investigated whether Polish speakers prefer to relate overt pronouns to subject or object antecedents. Subsequently, we tested the consequences of violating this bias when tracing the online sentence-interpretation process using eye-tracking. Our results show that Polish speakers have a strong preference for interpreting null pronouns as referring to subject antecedents and interpreting overt pronouns as referring to object antecedents. However, in online sentence interpretation, only overt pronouns showed sensitivity to a violation of the speaker’s preference for a pronoun-antecedent match. This suggests that null pronoun resolution is more flexible than overt pronoun resolution. Our results indicate that it is much easier for Polish speakers to shift the reference of a null pronoun than an overt one whenever a pronoun is forced to refer to a less-preferred antecedent. These results are supported by naturalness ratings, which showed that null pronouns are considered equally natural regardless of their reference, while overt pronouns referring to subject antecedents are rated as considerably less natural than those referring to object antecedents. To explain this effect, we propose that the interpretation of null and overt pronouns is sensitive to different factors which determine their reference. Public Library of Science 2022-01-11 /pmc/articles/PMC8752000/ /pubmed/35015772 http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0262459 Text en © 2022 Wolna et al https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/) , which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited.
spellingShingle Research Article
Wolna, Agata
Durlik, Joanna
Wodniecka, Zofia
Pronominal anaphora resolution in Polish: Investigating online sentence interpretation using eye-tracking
title Pronominal anaphora resolution in Polish: Investigating online sentence interpretation using eye-tracking
title_full Pronominal anaphora resolution in Polish: Investigating online sentence interpretation using eye-tracking
title_fullStr Pronominal anaphora resolution in Polish: Investigating online sentence interpretation using eye-tracking
title_full_unstemmed Pronominal anaphora resolution in Polish: Investigating online sentence interpretation using eye-tracking
title_short Pronominal anaphora resolution in Polish: Investigating online sentence interpretation using eye-tracking
title_sort pronominal anaphora resolution in polish: investigating online sentence interpretation using eye-tracking
topic Research Article
url https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC8752000/
https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/35015772
http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0262459
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