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Subjects are not all alike: Eye-tracking the agent preference in Spanish

Experimental research on argument structure has reported mixed results regarding the processing of unaccusative and unergative predicates. Using eye tracking in the visual world paradigm, this study seeks to fill a gap in the literature by presenting new evidence of the processing distinction betwee...

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Autores principales: Gómez-Vidal, Beatriz, Arantzeta, Miren, Laka, Jon Paul, Laka, Itziar
Formato: Online Artículo Texto
Lenguaje:English
Publicado: Public Library of Science 2022
Materias:
Acceso en línea:https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC9348668/
https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/35921377
http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0272211
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author Gómez-Vidal, Beatriz
Arantzeta, Miren
Laka, Jon Paul
Laka, Itziar
author_facet Gómez-Vidal, Beatriz
Arantzeta, Miren
Laka, Jon Paul
Laka, Itziar
author_sort Gómez-Vidal, Beatriz
collection PubMed
description Experimental research on argument structure has reported mixed results regarding the processing of unaccusative and unergative predicates. Using eye tracking in the visual world paradigm, this study seeks to fill a gap in the literature by presenting new evidence of the processing distinction between agent and theme subjects. We considered two hypotheses. First, the Unaccusative Hypothesis states that unaccusative (theme) subjects involve a more complex syntactic representation than unergative (agent) subjects. It predicts a delayed reactivation of unaccusative subjects compared to unergatives after the presentation of the verb. Second, the Agent First Hypothesis states that the first ambiguous NP of a sentence will preferably be interpreted as an agent due to an attentional preference to agents over themes. It predicts a larger reactivation of agent subjects than themes. We monitored the time course of gaze fixations of 44 native speakers across a visual display while processing sentences with unaccusative, unergative and transitive verbs. One of the pictures in the visual display was semantically related to the sentential subject. We analyzed fixation patterns in three different time frames: the verb frame, the post-verb frame, and the global post-verbal frame. Results indicated that sentential subjects across the three conditions were significantly activated when participants heard the verb; this is compatible with observing a post-verbal reactivation effect. Time course and magnitude of the gaze-fixation patterns are fully compatible with the predictions made by the Agent First Hypothesis. Thus, we report new evidence for (a) a processing distinction between unaccusative and unergative predicates in sentence comprehension, and (b) an attentional preference towards agents over themes, reflected by a larger reactivation effect in agent subjects.
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spelling pubmed-93486682022-08-04 Subjects are not all alike: Eye-tracking the agent preference in Spanish Gómez-Vidal, Beatriz Arantzeta, Miren Laka, Jon Paul Laka, Itziar PLoS One Research Article Experimental research on argument structure has reported mixed results regarding the processing of unaccusative and unergative predicates. Using eye tracking in the visual world paradigm, this study seeks to fill a gap in the literature by presenting new evidence of the processing distinction between agent and theme subjects. We considered two hypotheses. First, the Unaccusative Hypothesis states that unaccusative (theme) subjects involve a more complex syntactic representation than unergative (agent) subjects. It predicts a delayed reactivation of unaccusative subjects compared to unergatives after the presentation of the verb. Second, the Agent First Hypothesis states that the first ambiguous NP of a sentence will preferably be interpreted as an agent due to an attentional preference to agents over themes. It predicts a larger reactivation of agent subjects than themes. We monitored the time course of gaze fixations of 44 native speakers across a visual display while processing sentences with unaccusative, unergative and transitive verbs. One of the pictures in the visual display was semantically related to the sentential subject. We analyzed fixation patterns in three different time frames: the verb frame, the post-verb frame, and the global post-verbal frame. Results indicated that sentential subjects across the three conditions were significantly activated when participants heard the verb; this is compatible with observing a post-verbal reactivation effect. Time course and magnitude of the gaze-fixation patterns are fully compatible with the predictions made by the Agent First Hypothesis. Thus, we report new evidence for (a) a processing distinction between unaccusative and unergative predicates in sentence comprehension, and (b) an attentional preference towards agents over themes, reflected by a larger reactivation effect in agent subjects. Public Library of Science 2022-08-03 /pmc/articles/PMC9348668/ /pubmed/35921377 http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0272211 Text en © 2022 Gómez-Vidal et al https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/) , which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited.
spellingShingle Research Article
Gómez-Vidal, Beatriz
Arantzeta, Miren
Laka, Jon Paul
Laka, Itziar
Subjects are not all alike: Eye-tracking the agent preference in Spanish
title Subjects are not all alike: Eye-tracking the agent preference in Spanish
title_full Subjects are not all alike: Eye-tracking the agent preference in Spanish
title_fullStr Subjects are not all alike: Eye-tracking the agent preference in Spanish
title_full_unstemmed Subjects are not all alike: Eye-tracking the agent preference in Spanish
title_short Subjects are not all alike: Eye-tracking the agent preference in Spanish
title_sort subjects are not all alike: eye-tracking the agent preference in spanish
topic Research Article
url https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC9348668/
https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/35921377
http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0272211
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